The Friday Night Song.
The Friday Night Song.
News today that William Hague is to be elevated to the House of Lords after standing down at the last general general election as the Member of Parliament for Richmond, Yorkshire, a post he had held since the 1989 by-election following Leon Brittan’s resignation to become a European Commissioner.
On the face of it William Hague’s elevation to the Lords is unsurprising. In fact, as one of Parliaments most capable debaters over the last quarter of a century, a former leader of the Conservative Party, and a former Foreign Secretary, it would have been strange if he hadn’t received a peerage in the Dissolution Honours List. Nevertheless, at a time when public concern over Westminster paedophilia and Establishment cover- up, and with very serious and as yet unresolved questions regarding William Hague’s own alleged role in protecting VIP paedophiles when he was Secretary of State for Wales, there will be many who will see William Hague’s elevation to the Lords as at best an insensitive decision and at worst a signal from the Prime Minister that as far as he is concerned it is business as usual for the establishment and the greater media scrutiny of VIP child sexual abuse at this time is only a temporary storm that can be ridden out.
To understand why the decision to give William Hague a peerage is more controversial than the casual observer might otherwise realise we need to examine the decisions that he took while drawing up the Terms of Reference for The Waterhouse Inquiry.
The Terms of Reference for the Waterhouse Inquiry were;
(a) to inquire into the abuse of children in care in the former county council areas of Gwynedd and Clwyd since 1974;
(b) to examine whether the agencies and authorities responsible for such care, through the placement of the children or through the regulation or management of the facilities, could have prevented the abuse or detected its occurrence at an earlier stage;
(c) to examine the response of the relevant authorities and agencies to allegations and complaints of abuse made either by children in care, children formerly in care or any other persons, excluding scrutiny of decisions whether to prosecute named individuals;
(d) in the light of this examination, to consider whether the relevant caring and investigative agencies discharged their functions appropriately and, in the case of the caring agencies, whether they are doing so now; and to report its findings and to make recommendations to him.
Whether it was William Hague’s intention at the time or not, what we do know is that Ronald Waterhouse interpreted point a) as a geographical restriction and that abuse of care home children outside of North Wales, notably across the English border in Chester, was excluded and that further restrictions on examining alleged abusers were the consequence of point c).
Concern that the Terms of Reference might be too narrow was immediate as can be see from Ron Davies’ , Shadow Secretary of State for Wales, reply to William Hague’s announcement of The Waterhouse Inquiry.
“Will the right hon. Gentleman confirm that the terms of reference will be sufficiently wide to examine the whole question of organised child abuse? The allegations centre on a former local authority children’s home network. Does he accept that the nature of the allegations indicates the possible existence of a wider paedophile network, extending throughout society and into its most powerful reaches?” – Ron Davies 17th June 1996
One thing seems certain and that is that above and beyond the Westminster rumours regarding Sir Peter Morrison’s interest in young boys, William Hague was aware at the time he was drawing up the Terms of Reference for Waterhouse of at least one powerful Tory, Margaret Thatcher’s former Parliamentary Private Secretary, former Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party, and formally the Member of Parliament for Chester, Sir Peter Morrison , who had died the previous year. As can be seen by this recollection from Gyles Brandreth who succeeded Morrison as MP for Chester;
The first, and only, official acknowledgement of my predecessor’s possible involvement in child abuse came my way in 1996, when William Hague, then Secretary of State for Wales, came up to me in the Commons to let me know that he had ordered an inquiry into allegations of child abuse in care homes in North Wales between 1974 and 1990 — and that Morrison’s name might feature in connection with the Bryn Estyn home in Wrexham, 12 miles from Chester.
Sir Ronald Waterhouse QC, a retired High Court judge, was appointed to head the inquiry. It took three years, cost £12 million, and when the Waterhouse report appeared it made grim reading.
It named and criticised almost 200 people for either abusing children or failing to offer them sufficient protection. Credible evidence had been found of ‘widespread sexual abuse’, with the existence of a paedophile ring in the Wrexham/Chester area.
But Sir Peter Morrison’s name did not feature.
Perhaps it might have been an idea if Justice Macur had published her report, which is looking into whether the Waterhouse Inquiry’s Terms of Reference were too narrow, before Hague was elevated ?
It seems that just as Harvey Proctor has claimed, the police assured General Sir Hugh Beach that he was not a suspect when they interviewed him.
I think at the very least the police should clear that up.
On Tuesday he held an extraordinary press conference in which he accused the Metropolitan Police of running a “homosexual witch hunt”.
But he also named other men who police were allegedly investigating, including three who had not been made public before.
The MP had also not contacted the individuals or their surviving families before naming them.
One of them was Sir Hugh, a former Master General of the Ordnance and former Deputy Commander in Chief of UK Land Forces.
In a statement, Sir Hugh, 92, said: “The police have confirmed that despite what has been reported in the press no allegation of any kind has been made against me.
“I am keen to give them every assistance and they have confirmed that I have been as helpful as possible in connection with their investigation.
“The police have interviewed me on one occasion but not in any sense as a suspect.”
His son, John, said: “’It’s extraordinary. My father is a 92-year-old gentleman and I don’t think he’s done anything wrong.
“I’ve never heard Harvey Proctor’s name in my father’s circle. They certainly weren’t mates.
“He was a very senior Army officer, a full General – anyone of that kind seems to be a target.”
Mr Proctor also named Sir Michael Hanley, who was Director General of MI5 from 1971 to 1978 and died in 2001.
In a statement on behalf of the family, his daughter Sarah said: “Until this morning we knew of no alleged investigation by the Met in to allegations against our father.
Our father was a decent, loving, principled family man. These are unfounded allegations from an anonymous source and, as such, have no effect on our father’s good name.”
Let’s begin by examining the points that Harvey Proctor made yesterday in his press conference (transcript of full statement Here) that I disagree with.
Firstly, Harvey Proctor alleged that the police investigation was a “homosexual witch hunt”. This is not true. Homosexuals are attracted to other men, heterosexuals are attracted to members of the opposite sex, paedophiles and pederasts are attracted to minors. Those that abuse young boys might self-identify as either homosexual or heterosexual. Yes, that is correct. Men who self-identify as heterosexuals can, and do, sexually abuse young boys. I’d just like to thank R for sharing his insights with me after decades of research into this.
Another point that Harvey Proctor made that is entirely wrong, is the suggestion that Tom Watson MP has used parliamentary privilege to allude to this case. His question on 24th October 2012 at PMQs (Here) is completely unrelated to Operation Midland and to the best of my knowledge he rarely comments on allegations, he just passes them on to the police when possible. This extract from The Guardian interview with him last year demonstrates that he seems to take a responsible and balanced view on Operation Midland.
Nevertheless, ever since putting his parliamentary question, Watson has been overwhelmed by an “avalanche” of allegations against much more powerful men from “survivors who are very, very damaged and angry and upset”, had previously gone to the police and been disbelieved, and now saw him as a new gateway to justice.
“A slightly reluctant gateway,” he confesses. A “naturally disorganised person”, equipped with neither the skills nor the resources to process the deluge of allegations, at times Watson wondered what he had got himself into.
Does he believe what the accusers tell him? He looks awkward. “I’m not here to investigate, or to judge.” He has met the man known as Nick, but “it was a very, very traumatic and difficult conversation, as you would imagine. He only told me about one murder. He spoke very slowly, very intermittently, and I didn’t need to hear any more.” Did Watson trust the account? He sighs uneasily. “These allegations, they’re so enormous that you need critical faculties. What I’m certain of is that he’s not delusional. He is either telling the truth, or he’s made up a meticulous and elaborate story.
So, whatever else can be said about the current situation that Harvey Proctor finds himself in, it is neither politically motivated or a homosexual witch hunt.
One final point that I vehemently disagree with Harvey Proctor on is his suggestion that ‘complainants’ (his preferred term) should not have guaranteed anonymity. I think this is a valuable principle which should not be eroded. Obviously, if the police feel that a ‘complainant’ should be charged with perverting the course of justice, as happened with Ben Fellows who was found not guilty, the complainant becomes the accused and has no right to anonymity but I’m confident that in this case ‘Nick’ has not sought to pervert the course of justice and so I do not think that this will be an issue.
Having examined the points that I disagree with Harvey Proctor on I want to turn to the points that I sympathise with him on.
I do not believe the allegations against him which are being investigated by Operation Midland are true. I believe that ‘Nick’ was sexually abused as a child but I do not believe that Harvey Proctor and many of the others that were named yesterday are responsible. It was for this reason that The Needle did not republished many of the media allegations regarding Operation Midland over the last year.
The broad facts as I see them, and this information is all in the public domain, is that ‘Nick’ had previously made a complaint to the police several months before he went again to them with an Exaro journalist. I think it is safe to assume that the information that was given to the police in this second interview was substantively different from that which was given to the police on the first occasion. What happened in those intervening months, and who ‘Nick’ had been in contact with, we can not know but what we do know is that someone, either Exaro or someone else, showed photographs to ‘Nick’ which helped him identify the ‘suspects’ and that later at the Operation Midland press conference last year the Metropolitan Police criticised this.*
Much has been made of the fact that the Head of Operation Midland, Detective Superintendent Kenny McDonald had said on television some months ago “I believe what ‘Nick’ is saying as credible and true “. Many have understandably assumed that if the police take these allegations seriously then there must be something in them, right ?
This, in my view, ill-advised statement needs to be seen in the context of the dysfunctional police/media relationship which has developed over the last three years and also the probability that these allegations seemed to corroborate, at least in part, other information that the police had received. I’m not in a position to discuss other information the police may have received but I can try to give readers some idea of the kind of pressure that some media outlets have brought to bear. An obvious example is this story in The Express, Here. The source of this story has been referred to the in the press as ‘Andrew’. ‘Andrew’ has been the source of a great many false stories in the press, including Exaro, over the last 2 years including a rather revolting allegation against a former female MP reported again in The Express, which even Exaro publicly distanced themselves from. The story relates that ‘Andrew’ was shown a photograph of a former BBC executive who he then identified as a person who abused him. Instead of going to the police with the allegation (the police no doubt knew all about ‘Andrew’ by this stage) the information was passed to the BBC. Given the current situation the BBC are in, they had no alternative but to pass this, and indeed any allegation of sexual abuse they receive, to the Metropolitan Police, who in turn could not do anything other than investigate an allegation passed to them by the BBC. The Express could then legitimise their story by correctly claiming that, “Detectives are investigating claims that a retired BBC executive abused young boys at his home in Amsterdam.” I have no idea whether this ‘former BBC executive’ was an abuser or not but what I do know without a shadow of a doubt is that this story was completely engineered, taking advantage of the predicament that both the BBC and police now find themselves in and this ‘story’ is not unique.
Reflect also on the fact that only a few months before ‘Nick’ went to the police with an Exaro journalist, Exaro had forced out the head of Operation Fairbank, Detective Chief Inspector Paul Settle over, in my view, a disgraceful series of stories that suggested the DCI Settle had failed to adequately pursue Leon Brittan over a rape allegation by an Exaro source known as ‘Jane’. This had nothing to do with campaigning for justice and everything to do with squeezing every last drop from their story. I could go into great detail about this but I’ll leave that there. Suffice it to say that it was an appalling example of the lowest type of journalism, one that does not serve the interests of their ‘source’ and thoroughly misleads the public.
Given all of this context, is it really any wonder that the police might be concerned to be perceived to be not taking allegations of child sexual abuse seriously ? Don’t get me wrong, the situation that the police, the CPS, and some other institutions find themselves in is one entirely of their own making. It is because of their historic failures to investigate CSA and credible allegations of cover-up that has brought them to this difficult place but it is some in the media that have exploited the situation.
For almost two years we on The Needle have been waiting for the inevitable consequences of this dysfunctional police/media relationship to come to a head. All this time we’ve been concerned about how it may affect those genuine abuse victims who go to the police. Did those pushing these stories, while claiming to be campaigners ever consider this ?
There are some who have questioned Harvey Proctor’s right to speak candidly about the allegations made against him. He has every right to give his side of the story. If he had been arrested or charged with an offence then that would be a different matter but he has not and so he has as much right to speak to the media as those who have made allegations against him.
Any genuine journalist or campaigner will welcome the new information, it is only those that seek to close down any debate and attack objectivity and balance that seem to be upset that Harvey Proctor has made a statement.
Pathetic and puerile comments like this one by Exaro editor Mark Watts, which seem to accuse anyone who dares to question of being ‘Paedo-Protectors’, or ‘on the side of abusers’.
This is how a cult works, by marginalising and insulting the objective commentators the debate becomes dominated by extremists, and those too scared to voice an objection. Worse still are the behind the scenes rumour spreading and smears all designed to undermine anyone that can think independently. N0ne of it helps survivors of CSA, none of it !
I’m not going to go into details of why I believe Harvey Proctor when he states that these Operation Midland allegations are untrue. I will say that it was my view before yesterday and that the details from the press statement only confirmed what I already thought to be the case.
The police are still investigating these allegations, I hope that they conclude their investigation expeditiously and on conclusion make a clear and unequivocal statement about it.
* NB, I’ve been told by two reliable and independent sources that the Metropolitan Police criticism of ‘photo ID was directed at another journalist and not Exaro. That said it was Exaro that claimed in a story that Nick had identified the suspects because of photographs that they had shown him.
One very important point to make is that this statement has not been checked exactly with what he actually said today.
STATEMENT BY MR KEITH HARVEY PROCTOR
MADE IN THE MARLBOROUGH ROOM, ST.ERMIN’S HOTEL, LONDON
NOT FOR RELEASE BEFORE 2PM ON TUESDAY 25th AUGUST 2015
I am a private citizen. I have not held public office and I have not sought public office since May 1987. As such, I am entitled to be regarded as a private citizen. Since the General Election of 1987 I have sought a private life. I have been enjoying a full life, gainfully employed and personally happy.
This all came to an abrupt end on 4th March 2015. What now follows is a statement on my present predicament created by an unidentified person making totally untrue claims against my name. Before going any further I wish to make it clear that the genuine victims of child sexual abuse have my fullest sympathy and support and I would expect the full weight of the law to be used against anyone, be he ‘ever so high, or ever so low’, committing such odious offences. Nobody and I repeat, nobody is above the law.
2. However, I attach equal weight to justice for innocent people wrongly accused of child sexual abuse, especially when it is done anonymously. This is what is happening to me and many high profile figures, many of whom are dead and cannot answer back. This statement is necessarily lengthy and detailed and at times complicated. Please bear with me and at the end I will be prepared to answer your questions.
3. On 18th June, 2015, at my request, I was interviewed by the Metropolitan Police Murder Squad “Operation Midland”. This interview lasted over 6 hours. At the very outset I had to help the Police with my full name which they appeared not to know. It may surprise you that it was over 3 and an half months after my home was searched for 15 hours and more than 7 months after the most serious allegations were made against me that I was interviewed. I went on to cooperate fully with the Police with their investigation.
4. The allegations have been made by a person who the Police have dubbed with a pseudonym – “NICK”. He appears on television with a blacked out face and an actor’s voice. All of this is connected with alleged historical child sexual abuse in the 1970ies and 1980ies. “NICK” was interviewed by the Police in the presence of a reporter from Exaro – an odd internet news agency.
5. As a Member of Parliament I always spoke in favour of the police. I believe in law and order and I believe in equipping the police to do their job and , with my track record, it will come as a surprise that I have grave and growing concerns about the Police generally and more specifically “Operation Midland”. I have decided to share these concerns with you. I believe I am not speaking just for myself today. I hope I am not being presumptuous when I say I feel I am speaking for those who have no voice whatsoever including the dead to whom I referred moments ago.
6. Two days before my interview with the Police, my Solicitors – Sakhi Solicitors of Leicester – were sent a “disclosure” document. It set out the matters the Police wished to discuss with me. It was the first time I had known of what I had been accused. On the day of my interview I was not arrested, nor placed on Police bail, I was told I could leave the Police Station at any time and that it was a voluntary interview. I and my Solicitors had previously been told I was not a suspect.
7. At the end of the interview I was given no information as to how much longer the Police investigation would take to bring the matter to a conclusion. I think you will understand I cannot allow this matter to rest.
8. So you can gauge how angry I am and in an attempt to stop the “drip, drip, drip” of allegations by the police into the media , I now wish to share with you in detail the uncorroborated and untrue allegations that have been made against me by “NICK”. Anyone of a delicate or a nervous disposition should leave the room now.
9. The following is taken from the Police disclosure document given to my Solicitors two days before my first interview with the Police under the headings “Circumstances”, “Homicides” and “Sexual abuse”.
The victim in this investigation is identified under the pseudonym “Nick”. He made allegations to the Metropolitan Police Service in late 2014. Due to the nature of the offences alleged, “Nick” is entitled to have his identity withheld.
“Nick” stated he was the victim of systematic and serious sexual abuse by a group of adult males over a period between 1975 and 1984. The abuse was often carried out whilst in company with other boys whom were also abused by the group.
“Nick” provided names of several individuals involved in these acts including Mr HARVEY PROCTOR. He states MR PROCTOR abused him on a number of occasions which included sexual assault, buggery and torturous assault. He also states MR PROCTOR was present when he was assaulted by other adult males. Furthermore, “Nick” states he witnessed the murder of three young boys on separate occasions. He states MR PROCTOR was directly responsible for two of the allegations and implicated in the third.
The dates and locations relevant to MR PROCTOR are as follows:-
1980 – at a residential house in central London. “Nick” was driven by car to an address in the Pimlico/Belgravia area where a second boy (the victim) was also collected in the same vehicle. Both boys, aged approximately 12-years-old, were driven to another similar central London address. MR PROCTOR was present with another male. Both boys were led to the back of the house. MR PROCTOR then stripped the victim, and tied him to a table. He then produced a large kitchen knife and stabbed the child through the arm and other parts of the body over a period of 40 minutes. A short time later MR PROCTOR untied the victim and anally raped him on the table. The other male stripped “Nick” and anally raped him over the table. MR PROCTOR then strangled the victim with his hands until the boy’s body went limp. Both males then left the room. Later, MR PROCTOR returned and led “Nick” out of the house and into a waiting car.
1981-82 – at a residential address in central London. “Nick” was collected from Kingston train station and taken to a “party” at a residential address. The witness was among four young boys. Several men were present including MR PROCTOR. One of the men told the boys one of them would die that night and they had to choose who. When the boys wouldn’t decide, the men selected one of the boys (the victim). Each of the four boys including “Nick” were taken to separate rooms for “private time”. When they all returned to the same room, Nick was anally raped by MR PROCTOR and another male as “punishment”. The other males also anally raped the remaining boys. MR PROCTOR and two other males then began beating the chosen victim by punching and kicking. The attack continued until the boy collapsed on the floor and stopped moving. All of the men left the room. The remaining boys attempted to revive the victim but he was not breathing. They were left for some time before being taken out of the house and returned to their homes.
Between May and July 1979 – in a street in Coombe Hill, Kingston. Nick was walking in this area with another boy (the victim) when he heard the sound of a car engine revving. A dark-coloured car drove into the victim knocking him down. “Nick” could see the boy covered in blood and his leg bent backwards. A car pulled up and “Nick” was grabbed and placed in the car. He felt a sharp pain in his arm and next remembered being dropped off at home. He was warned not to have friends in future. “Nick” never saw the other boy again. “Nick” does not identify MR PROCTOR as being directly involved in this allegation. However, he states MR PROCTOR was part of the group responsible for the systematic sexual abuse he suffered. Furthermore, he believes the group were responsible for the homicide.
1978-1984 – Dolphin Square, Pimlico. “Nick” was at the venue and with at least one other young boy. MR PROCTOR was present with other males.MR PROCTOR told “Nick” to pick up a wooden baton and hit the other boy. When “Nick” refused he was punished by MR PROCTOR and the other males. He was held down and felt pain in his feet. He fell unconscious. When he awoke he was raped by several males including MR PROCTOR.
1978-1981 – Carlton Club, central London, “Nick” was driven to the Carlton Club and dropped off outside. MR PROCTOR opened the door. Inside the premises were several other males. “Nick” was sexually assaulted by another male (not by MR PROCTOR on this occasion ).
1978-1981 – swimming pool in central London. “Nick” was taken to numerous ‘pool parties’ where he and other boys were made to undress, and perform sexual acts on one another. He and other boys were then anally raped and sexually abused by several men including MR PROCTOR.
1981-1982 – Large town house in London. “Nick” was taken to the venue on numerous occasions where MR PROCTOR and one other male were present. He was forced to perform oral sex on MR PROCTOR who also put his hands around “Nick’’’s throat to prevent him breathing. On another occasion at the same location, MR PROCTOR sexually assaulted “Nick” before producing a pen-knife and threatening to cut “Nick’’’s genitals.MR PROCTOR was prevented from doing so by the other male present.
1979-1984 – residential address in central London.”Nick” was taken to the venue. MR PROCTOR was present with one other male. MR PROCTOR forced “Nick” to perform oral sex on him before beating him with punches.
1978-1984 – numerous locations including Carlton Club,Dolphin Square and a central London townhouse. “Nick” described attending several ‘Christmas parties’ where other boys were present together with numerous males including MR PROCTOR. “Nick” was given whiskey to drink before being forced to perform oral sex on several men including MR PROCTOR.
MR PROCTOR will be interviewed about the matters described above and given the opportunity to provide an account.”
10. I denied all and each of the allegations in turn and in detail and categorised them as false and untrue and, in whole, an heinous calumny. They amount to just about the worst allegations anyone can make against another person including, as they do, multiple murder of children, their torture, grievous bodily harm, rape and sexual child abuse.
11. I am completely innocent of all these allegations.
12. I am an homosexual. I am not a murderer. I am not a paedophile or pederast. Let me be frank, I pleaded guilty to four charges of gross indecency in 1987 relating to the then age of consent for homosexual activity. Those offences are no longer offences as the age of consent has dropped from 21 to 18 to 16. What I am being accused of now is a million miles away from that consensual activity.
13. At the start of the interview, I was told that although the interview would be recorded by the Police both for vision and sound, I would not receive a copy of the tapes. I asked to record the interview for sound myself but my request was refused. During the interview, to ensure that “Nick” had not identified the wrong person, I asked if I could see photographs purporting to be me which had been shown to him. My request was refused. At the end of the interview I was asked if I knew my 8 alleged co conspirators whose homes it was alleged I had visited. I believe I have a good recollection and the list comprised a number of people I knew, some who I had heard of but not met and some I did not know. None of the allegations were alleged to have taken place at my home and I have not visited the homes of any of the “gang”.
14. The list included the names of the late Leon Brittan and the late Edward Heath.
15. If it was not so serious, it would be laughable.
16. Edward Heath sacked me from the Conservative Party’s parliamentary candidates’ list in 1974. Mrs Thatcher restored me to the list 18 months later. Edward Heath despised me and he disliked my views particularly on limiting immigration from the New Commonwealth and Pakistan and my opposition to our entry into and continued membership of what is now know as the E.U. ; I opposed his corporate statist views on the Economy. I despised him too… He had sacked the late Enoch Powell, my political “hero” from the Shadow Cabinet when I was Chairman of the University of York Conservative Association. I regarded Enoch as an intellectual giant in comparison with Heath.
17. The same Edward Heath, not surprisingly, would never speak to me in the House of Commons but would snort at me as he passed me by in a Commons corridor. The feeling was entirely mutual.
18. Now I am accused of doing some of these dreadful things in his London house as well; a house to which I was never invited and to which Heath would never have invited me and to which I would have declined his invitation.
19. The same Edward Heath’s home with CCTV, housekeeper, private secretary, chauffeur, police and private detectives – all the trappings of a former Prime Minister – in the security conscious days of the IRA’s assault on London.
20. It is so farfetched as to be unbelievable. It is unbelievable because it is not true. My situation has transformed from Kafka- esque bewilderment to black farce incredulity.
21. I have nothing to hide and nothing to fear. I appeal to any witness who truthfully can place me at any of the former homes of Edward Heath or Leon Brittan at any time to come forward now. I appeal to any witness who can truthfully say I committed any of these horrible crimes to come forward now.
22. The “gang” is also alleged to have included Lord Janner ( a former Labour M.P.), Lord Bramall (Former Chief of the General Staff) , the late Maurice Oldfield (Former Head of Secret Intelligence Service – MI6), the late Sir Michael Hanley ( Director General of the Internal Security Service – MI5), General Sir Hugh Beach (Master-General of the Ordnance) and a man named – Ray Beech. I did not move in such circles. As an ex Secondary Modern School boy from Yorkshire, I was not a part of the Establishment. I had no interest being part of it. I cannot believe that these other 8 people conspired to do these monstrous things. I certainly did not.
23. Yesterday I was interviewed again by the Metropolitan Police Murder Squad for 1 hour 40 minutes. It was a voluntary interview. I was free to go at any time. I was not arrested. I am not on bail. Unhelpfully, the second disclosure document was given to me some 20 minutes after yesterday’s interview was supposed to have started rather than last Friday as had been promised. My Solicitors were told by the Police it was ready but had to be signed off by superior officers on Friday. The Metropolitan Police are either inefficient or doing it by design. Whatever else, it is inept and an unjust way to treat anyone. During yesterday’s interview, I was shown a photograph of “Nick” aged about 12. I did not recognise him. I was shown computer generated e fit images of 2 of the alleged murder victims created by “Nick”. They looked remarkably similar to each other but one with blonde hair and one dark brown. I did not recognise either image. I was asked if I knew Jimmy Saville. I told them I did not. “Nick” alleges – surprise surprise – that Saville attended the sex “parties”. I was asked if I knew a number of people including Leslie Goddard and Peter Heyman. I did not these two. I was asked if I knew well, a doctor – unnamed. Apparently “Nick” alleges the doctor was a friend of mine and allegedly he turned up to repair the damage done to the boys when they were abused at these “parties”. I could not help there . I was asked if I could recognise images of the pen knife mentioned earlier. It was suggested it was Edward Heath who persuaded me not to castrate “Nick” with it. I was obviously so persuaded by Mr Heath’s intervention that I placed the pen knife in “Nick’s” pocket ready for him to present it to the Metropolitan police over 30 years later as “evidence”. I could not identify the knife. I have never had a pen knife. I was asked if I visited Elm Guest House in Rocks Lane, Barnes. I wondered when that elephant in the room would be mentioned by the Metropolitan police. I am sorry to have to disappoint the fantasists on the internet but I did not visit Elm Guest House. I was unaware of its existence. The so called “guest list” which makes its appearance on the net must be a fake.
24. During my first interview I was told that the Police were investigating to seek out the truth. I reminded them on a number of occasions that their Head of “Operation Midland”, Detective Superintendent Kenny McDonald had said on television some months ago “ I believe what “NICK” is saying as credible and true “. This statement is constantly used and manipulated by Exaro and other Media to justify their position.
25. This remark is very prejudicial to the police inquiry and its outcome. It is not justice and breaches my United Kingdom and Human Rights. This whole catalogue of events has wrecked my life, lost me my job and demolished 28 years of my rehabilitation since 1987.
26. The Police involved in “Operation Midland” are in a cleft stick of their own making. They are in a quandary. Support the “victim” however ludicrous his allegations or own up that they got it disastrously wrong but risk the charge of a cover up. What do I think should happen now?
I should be arrested, charged and prosecuted for murder and these awful crimes immediately so I can start the process of ridiculing these preposterous allegations in open court
“NICK” should be stripped of his anonymity and prosecuted for wasting police time and money, making the most foul of false allegations and seeking to pervert the course of justice. Those who have aided and abetted him should also be prosecuted. “NICK” should be medically examined to ensure he is of sound mind.
27. Detective Superintendent Kenny McDonald should resign from his position as Head of “Operation Midland”. He should resign or be sacked. But as the Metropolitan Police is a bureaucratic “organisation” I suggest, to save face, he is slid sideways to be placed in control of Metropolitan London parking, traffic, jay walking or crime prevention. He too should be medically examined to ensure he is of sound mind.
28. An investigation should be launched into “Operation Midland” and its costs. Detectives’ expense claims should be analysed and a full audit carried out by independent auditors.
29. Those Labour Members of Parliament who have misused parliamentary privilege and their special position on these matters should apologise. They have behaved disgracefully, especially attacking dead parliamentarians who cannot defend themselves and others and they should make amends. They are welcome to sue me for libel. In particular, Mr Tom Watson, M.P. should state, outside the protection of the House of Commons, the names of ex Ministers and ex M.P.s who he feels are part of the so called alleged Westminster rent boy ring.
30. Lady Goddard’s Inquiry should examine “Operation Midland’s” methods so as to sift genuine historical child sexual abuse from the spurious.
31. “Operation Midland” should be wound up by the Metropolitan Police Commissioner who should also apologise at the earliest opportunity. On the 6th August 2015, Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe shed crocodile tears criticising the Independent Police Complaints Commission and Wiltshire Police for naming Edward Heath as a suspect. He said it was not “fair” and his own force would not do such a thing. This is very disingenuous. When his Police officers were searching my Home and before they had left, the Press were ringing me asking for comment. I was identified. They had told “Nick” of the search who passed on the information to his press friends. The Metropolitan police have also told the press that they were investigating Heath and Brittan and others. Sir Bernard should resign for the sin of hypocrisy. If he does not, it will not be long before he establishes “Operation Plantagenet” to determine Richard III’s involvement in the murder of the Princes in the Tower of London.
32. Superintendent Sean Memory of Wiltshire Police should explain why he made a statement about Edward Heath in front of his former home in Salisbury and who advised him to select that venue. He should also resign.
33. Leon Brittan was driven to his death by police action. They already knew for 6 months before his death, on the advice of the DPP, that he would not face prosecution for the alleged rape of a young woman. But they did not tell him. They just hoped he would die without having to tell him. The Superintendent in charge of his investigation should resign.
34. The Police should stop referring automatically to people who make statements of alleged Historic child sexual abuse as “victims”. They should refer to them as “complainants” from the French “to lament” which would be more appropriate. Parliament should pass laws to better balance the right to anonymity of “victims” and the “accused”. Parliament should reinstate in law the English tradition of “innocence before being found guilty” which has been trashed in recent months by certain sections of the Police, the DPP, MPs, Magistrates and the Courts themselves.
35. I have not just come here with a complaint. I have come with the intention of showing my face in public as an innocent man. I have come to raise my voice as an aggrieved subject now deeply concerned about the administration of Justice. What has become increasingly clear about Police investigations into historical child sexual abuse is that it has been bungled in years gone by and is being bungled again NOW. The moment has come to ask ourselves if the Police are up to the task of investigating the apparent complexities of such an enquiry ? These allegations merit the most detailed and intellectually rigorous application.
36. What is clear from the last few years of police activity driven by the media, fearful of the power of the internet and the odd M.P. here and there is that the overhaul of the Police service up and down the country is now urgently required. We need “Super cops” who have been University educated and drawn from the professions. Such people could be of semi retirement status with a background in the supervision of complex, criminal investigations. These people could be drawn from the law, accountancy and insolvency practices. Former Justices of the Peace could chair some of these investigations. Adequate incentives should be provided to recruit them.
37. I speak for myself and, as a former Tory M.P. with an impeccable record in defending the Police, I have now come to believe that that blind trust in them was totally misplaced. What has happened to me could happen to anyone. It could happen to you.
38. In summary, the paranoid Police have pursued an homosexual witch hunt on this issue egged on by a motley crew of certain sections of the media and press and a number of Labour Members of Parliament and a ragbag of internet fantasists. There are questions to ask about what kind of Police Force do we have in Britain today. How can it be right for the Police to act in consort with the press with routine tip offs of House raids, impending arrests and the like. Anonymity is given to anyone prepared to make untruthful accusations of child sexual abuse whilst the alleged accused are routinely fingered publicly without any credible evidence first being found. This is not justice. It is an abuse of power and authority.
39. In conclusion, I wish to thank my Solicitors Mr Raza Sakhi and Mr Nabeel Gatrad and my family and friends for their support without which I would not have been able to survive this onslaught on my character and on my life.
I am prepared to take questions.